Document 54 - Letter from the International Secretariat of the International Communist League (B-L) to the Communist League of South Africa and the Workers Party of South Africa, 24 July 1935

From: South Africa's Radical Tradition, a documentary history, Volume One 1907 - 1950, by Allison Drew

Document 54 - Letter from the International Secretariat of the International Communist League (B-L) to the Communist League of South Africa and the Workers Party of South Africa, 24 July 1935

24 July 1935 W.G

your letters (from the Communist League, 27 and 31 [V], and the Workers' Party of South Africa (14 and 29.V. 1935) have been discussed at length by the Intern. Secretariat and it was decided to once again convey to BOTH groups our opinion in a comradely manner.

We all place great significance on the development of the South African group. The approaching war will shake the English Empire to its very foundations; consequently, the movement in the British colonies and dominions will be decisive for the fate of imperialism and the domination of the bourgeoisie in general, and for the development in England and in all of Europe. At the opportune time, a revolutionary movement in South Africa CAN substantially determine the expansion of colonial liberation movements in Africa; the early stages of the Italian war of plundering against Abyssinia reveal embryonically what GREAT revolutionary possibilities also exist on the "dark continent".24 It is clear, therefore, that we are not of the opinion that your work within the "stabilised" South African capitalism is futile; this capitalism is PRESENTLY in fact "stable". No one can predict, however, how long it can continue in the midst of the instability of revolutionary upheaval; and there are signs that a reversal could occur VERY QUICKLY.

It therefore goes without saying. that we desire for you (and us) the rapid and thorough overcoming of your present internal difficulties in order to pave the way for positive revolutionary work and for the preparation of the situation discussed above.

The liveliness of your discussions, the quantity of documents you have produced, demonstrate to us that a sensible way must be found. This is because any possible positive tendencies of your heated discussions will very soon be transformed into negative ones, if you let a POLITICAL debate over your differences turn into personal accusations and suspicions. and incite yourselves at the same time into an atmosphere of a hopeless conflict which makes any co-operation impossible.

The decisive point is that YOUR POLITICAL DIFFERENCES CAN UNDER NO CIRCUMSTANCES JUSTIFY A SPLIT IN YOUR ORGANISATION. Many of the questions raised remain open to an INTERNATIONAL discussion. The article b) Comrade L. D. paves the way for an instant agreement concerning the immediate practical tasks. WE THEREFORE URGE YOU TO GIVE ALL "GROUPS" AND ALL COMRADES WHO HAVE SOMETHING TO SAY ABOUT THIS THE POSSIBILITY TO AVAIL THEMSELVES OF WRITTEN AND ORAL PRESENTATIONS OF THEIR VIEWS.

Now to your organisational situation. ALL of us in the International Secretariat were AGAINST the founding of the Workers Party, which for political and organisational reasons we considered to have been PREMATURE. A Communist League seemed to us at the present stage more practical and appropriate for the real situation. For that reason we do not, however, intend to either publicly rebuke you or to demand that you reverse the step taken, since that would not be of any help to your work. However, the illusion should not arise, that just because a group of revolutionaries gives itself the name "party", it thereby creates a REAL party, let alone a REVOLUTIONARY and COMMUNIST one. In all countries we have been very careful about the founding of PARTIES. Consider the example of the AMERICAN comrades, who only after long, systematic preparation (in a situation in which the LOW LEVEL of stability of the Capitalist Regime was demonstrated to the American workers through tremendous mass actions which led to the awakening of class consciousness), and AFTER the fusion with the pilot group they declared themselves a PARTY.

THEREFORE WE CATEGORICALLY REJECT THE COMPLETELY UNFOUNDED CONTENTION THAT THE "CONSTITUTION" OF THE WORKERS PARTY IS ALREADY SUCH A SOLID STATUTE, THAT THOSE COMRADES WHO ARE IN OPPOSITION TO IT, WHO ALSO COME FROM A SMALL AND OBJECTIVELY STILL COMPLETELY UNINFLUENTIAL GROUP, COULD ONLY BE ACCEPTED TO THIS "PARTY" AS SINGLE INDIVIDUALS, AS THOUGH IT WERE A REAL PARTY, GENERALLY ACKNOWLEDGED, SUPPORTED, TESTED BY THE PROLETARIAT AND IN ITSELF CONSISTENT.

Only such a party could demand that the acceptance of decisions made by them should be a PRECONDITION for membership of the party. But when they first split (with reference to the Schiboleth of a NAME - since more of a PARTY is unfortunately not there-), then make decisions AMONG THEMSELVES, call themselves "party" and AFTERWARDS demand submission to party decisions by the same comrades from whom they split, then it is not justified by anything and CANNOT UNDER ANY CIRCUMSTANCES be considered sensible. On the contrary, we take this organisational EVASION of a political discussion to be a SERIOUS POLITICAL MISTAKE, which one must correct immediately, since it will otherwise compromise and destroy all your work.

The foundations must FIRST BE LAID for a PARTY in South Africa that can be taken seriously. To that end, serious THEORETICAL work is necessary, serious ORGANISATIONAL EFFORTS and achievements, serious WORK AMONG THE MASSES, ESPECIALLY AMONG THE COLOUREDS, IN THE UNIONS, by taking advantage of any existing legality, and by violating the hypocritical "legality" which will persecute work among blacks as "illegal". You must welcome into this great enterprise EACH comrade, EACH GROUP that stands on the platform of the 4th International, and MOST CERTAINLY you must welcome THOSE comrades with whom you worked together yesterday. To take up shelter behind such expressions as "majority" and "minority" is all the more wrong, since in any LIVING organisation that takes a SERIOUS position vis-a-vis all questions, this majority-minority relationship can always change. WE URGE YOU THEREFORE WITH ALL EARNESTNESS, NOT TO MAKE A FETISH OUT OF THE WORDS "PARTY" OR "MAJORITY".

Thus we propose the following measures:

1. Fusion of both groups WITHOUT THE EXCLUSION OF ANY COMRADE. Election of a JOINT ACTION COMMITTEE proportionate to the existing forces or, even better, composed on the basis of a COMMON AGREEMENT to ensure that the MOST CAPABLE comrades of BOTH trends are elected.

2. Creation of an INTERNAL discussion bulletin (mimeographed); discussion of all controversial questions and JOINT EDITING.

3. Discussion material for out INTERNATIONAL press, e.g., for the "Militant"

4. Expansion of the "Spark" into a PROPAGANDISTIC-POLITICAL ORGAN, which must devote A FEW PAGES ESPECIALLY TO NEGROES AND PEASANTS, if possible in BANTU LANGUAGE.

5. Preparation for a party conference after a few months of joint work; preparation of AN ACTION PROGRAMME, preparation for the implementation of the proposals made in our last letter.

We are convinced, that working through our suggestions will lead you out of the cul-de-sac in which you presently find yourselves. EVERYTHING depends on you alone. Even the premature proclamation of the Workers Party need not be an obstacle to a favourable development, since what is important is the CONTENTS of the work, and even a small group of genuine revolutionaries can quickly rise to play a GREAT role in a country like South Africa.

                                                                   With com. greetings on behalf of the International Secretariat of the ICL.

                                                                                                                                                                           DUBOIS