April 6: People's Protest Day

The African National Congress has served notice on the Government that the Non-European people can no longer go on tolerating the ill-treatment they suffer in the land of their birth.

Today our people are suffering as never before under this Nationalist Gov­ernment of Dr. Malan with its policy of Apartheid. Under high prices and low wages, we are starving, our cattle are being taken away. We are homeless—or if we have homes, Group Areas threaten to drive us from them. Every day we are jailed and sent to farm-slavery for passes—and now women and children are faced with the pass system too. We are insulted and bullied because of our colour. Under the Coloured Voters Act, the Anti-Communist Law , the Bantu Authorities Act, South Africa is being made a fascist state.

Forward to freedom 1952

This year 1952, marks three hundred years since, under Jan van Riebeeck, the first white people came to live in South Africa.

The Malan Government is using this occasion to celebrate everything in South African history that glorifies the conquest, enslavement and oppression of the Non-European people.

Nothing is said of the fact that South Africa has been built up on the sweat and blood of the working people. Nothing is said of the famous leaders of the Non-European peoples. Nor is anything said of the noble Europeans who fought for freedom for all.

This Van Riebeeck celebration cannot be a time for rejoicing for the Non-Europeans.

It is time to put an end to slavery in South Africa

Enough

That is why, now, the African National Congress, backed by the South African Indian Congress, Coloured Organisations and other patriotic leaders of the people have decided upon a mighty campaign of mass action against unjust laws and for democratic freedom.

We demand the right to live as human beings. We want an end to all the laws that discriminate against us. We want the right to vote, to choose for ourselves who will make and administer the laws we live under. We demand Trade Union rights and freedom of organisation.

April 6, 1952

On Sunday, April 6, 1952, protest meetings and demonstrations will be held throughout South Africa as a first stage in the struggle for the Defiance of Unjust Laws, for the ending of oppression: the march to freedom.

THIS IS A CALL TO EVERY MAN AND WOMAN TO JOIN THE STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM!

Come in hundreds of thousands to the meetings and demonstrations on April 6!

MAKE SOUTH AFRICA FREE!

Document 92. Statement in court by W.M. Sisulu before sentencing for pass offence, July 21, 1952

Your Worship has just pronounced his verdict in a case in which I and fifty-one other colleagues are charged with Pass Offences. Before your Worship passes sentence on me, I want to indicate that I am the Secretary General of the African National Congress, which was founded in 1912 to fight for the abolition of all discriminatory laws and for the freedom and national in­dependence of the African people. Since this date. Congress has endeavoured by every constitutional means to bring to the notice of the Government the legitimate aspirations of the African people. Far from improving, the position of my people gradually deteriorated through the passage of such laws as the Land Act of 1913, which deprived us of our land, the Native Urban Areas Act, of 1923, which introduced the infamous Section 17 under which hundreds of thousands of innocent people are hounded by the police and gaoled every year, the Natives Administration Act of 1927, which vested the Government [Governor-General] with unbridled despotism in his government of the African people. The Representation Act of 1936, which deprived us of our Franchise Rights, and numerous other measures which are calculated to prevent the realisa­tion of our destination. Our position has so worsened that today white South Africa has placed into office a government which has closed all constitutional channels between itself and my people and whose barbarous and Godless policies have shocked enlightened opinion all over the world. As an African, and National Secretary of the Congress, I cannot stand aside in an issue which is a matter of life and death to my people. My duty is perfectly clear—it is to take the lead and to share with the humblest of my countrymen the crushing burden, imposed upon us because of the colour of our skins. In conclusion, I wish to make this solemn vow and in full appreciation of the consequences it entails. As long as I enjoy the confidence of my people, and as long as there is a spark of life and energy in me, I shall fight with courage and determination for the abolition of discriminatory laws and for the freedom of all South Africans irrespective of colour or creed.

Document 93. Statement on violence in New Brighton, Port Elizabeth on October 18, by local ANC leaders, in the Eastern Province Herald , October 20, 1952

The recent happenings, in which there was needless loss of human lives, has greatly shocked the South African people.
The A.N.C., whilst dissociating itself and condemning the unwarranted use of firearms and useless destruction of property, wishes to express the sincerest sympathy of the African people towards those families, both Black and White, who have suffered the loss of their loved ones through this unfortunate, reckless, ill-considered return to jungle law.

This incident serves to bring to the notice of the public, forcibly, the danger of the doctrine of apartheid and race hatred, where differences between individuals immediately assume a racial character. The A.N.C. has, time and time again, condemned this unwise policy, pursued ruthlessly and relentlessly by successive governments in this country.

The only correct and sane policy which aims at the establishment of peace and racial harmony is that enunciated by the A.N.C. and by no European political organisation in South Africa.

The A. N. C. calls upon the African people to cease forthwith from participat­ing in any violent action. They must rally to the call of the A.N.C., which is conducting a non-violent struggle against racially discriminatory, unjust laws.

Document 94. Police Shootings Must Stop! Flyer issued by the National Action Committee, ANC, and South African Indian Congress, November 1952

POLICE SHOOTINGS MUST STOP!

The police have fired on unarmed crowds at Kimberley, Denver Hostel, East London. Many people were killed. These shootings follow Mr. Swart's order to shoot and take law in their own hands.

We protest against this outrageous order.

We demand that the shootings must stop!

MALAN GOVERNMENT'S PLOT AGAINST NON-EUROPEANS

These shootings are a part of the Government's plot to weaken the DE­FIANCE CAMPAIGN and to ruthlessly oppress the non-European people.

THE GOVERNMENT WANTS:

* TO CREATE race riots between European and non-European, Indian and African, and African and Coloured;

* TO USE the riots and general disturbances to cause panic among the Europeans so as to drive them into the arms of the Nationalists;

* TO DECLARE a state of National Emergency, to seize absolute power, to cut off the leaders from the people and to impose a fascist dictatorship on the country.

THEIR METHODS ARE:

TO SEND OUT agents among the people to provoke incidents which can be used by the police as a pretext for shooting and to incite and preach race hatred;

TO ACCUSE the Indians, blame the Africans and praise the Coloureds;

TO USE THE POLICE for the purpose of inciting racial strife between the Africans and Indians and for the distribution of literature propagating Apartheid.

BEWARE!

*DO NOT be provoked—Do not listen to those who preach vio­lence—Avoid rioting—Follow Congress lead—BE PEACEFUL, DIS­CIPLINED, NON-VIOLENT.

*DO NOT listen to those who talk against any section of our population—Any one who speaks against the Indian, the Coloured, the Chinese, the African or European is an enemy of the people and an agent of the Government.

BEWARE!

LET US NOT ALLOW OURSELVES TO BE DIVERTED FROM THE COURSE OF ACTION LAID DOWN BY OUR CONGRESSES

. .OUR DUTY. JOIN AND BE AN ACTIVE MEMBER OF CONGRESS. ENLIST AS A VOLUNTEER IN THE DEFIANCE CAMPAIGN. SUPPORT THE DEFIANCE CAMPAIGN STAND BY YOUR LEADERS AND AWAIT CONGRESS CALL.

Issued by National Action Committee, African National Congress and South African Indian Congress, P.O. Box 2948, Johannesburg.

Document 95. The Road to Freedom Is Via the Cross. Statement by Chief A. J. Lutuli, issued after the announcement on November 12, 1952, of his dismissal as chief, [n. d.]

I have been dismissed from the Chieftainship of the Abase-Makolweni Tribe in the Groutville Mission Reserve. I presume that this has been done by the Governor-General in his capacity as Supreme Chief of the Native people of the Union of South Africa save those of the Cape Province. I was dem­ocratically elected to this position in 1935 by the people of Groutville Mission Reserve and was duly approved and appointed by the Governor-General.

Previous to being a Chief I was a school teacher for about 17 years. In these past thirty years or so I have striven with tremendous zeal and patience to work for the progress and welfare of my people and for their harmonious relations with other sections of our multi-racial society in the Union of South Africa. In this effort I always pursued what liberal-minded people rightly regarded as the path of moderation. Over this great length of time I have, year after year, gladly spent hours of my time with such organisations as the Church and its various agencies such as the Christian Council of South Africa, the Joint Council of Europeans and Africans and the now defunct Native Rep­resentative Council.

In so far as gaining citizenship rights and opportunities for the unfettered development of the African people, who will deny that thirty years of my life have been spent knocking in vain, patiently, moderately and modestly at a closed and barred door?

What have been the fruits of my many years of moderation? Has there . been any reciprocal tolerance or moderation from the Government, be it National­ist or United Party? No! On the contrary, the past thirty years have seen the greatest number of Laws restricting our rights and progress until today we have reached a stage where we have almost no rights at all: no adequate land for our occupation, our only asset, cattle dwindling, no security of homes, no decent and remunerative employment, more restrictions to freedom of move­ment through passes, curfew regulations, influx control measures; in short we have witnessed in these years an intensification of our subjection to ensure and protect white Supremacy.

It is with this background and with a full sense of responsibility that, under the auspices of the African National Congress (Natal), I have joined my people in the new spirit that moves them today, the spirit that revolts openly and boldly against injustice and expresses itself in a determined and non-violent manner. Because of my association with the African National Congress in this new spirit which has found an effective and legitimate way of expression in the non-violent Passive Resistance Campaign, I was given a two week limit ultimatum by the Secretary for Native Affairs calling upon me to choose between the African National Congress and the Chieftainship of the Groutville Mission Reserve. He alleged that my association with Congress in its non-violent Passive Resistance Campaign was an act of disloyalty to the State. I did not, and do not, agree with this view. Viewing Non-Violent Passive Resistance as a non-revolutionary and, therefore, a most legitimate and humane political pressure technique for a people denied all effective forms of constitutional striving, I saw no real conflict in my dual leadership of my people: leader of the Tribe as Chief and political leader in Congress.

I saw no cause to resign from either. This stand of mine which resulted in my being sacked from the Chieftainship might seem foolish and disappointing to some liberal and moderate Europeans and Non-Europeans with whom I have worked these many years and with whom I still hope to work. This is no parting of the ways but a launching further into the deep. I invite them to join us in our unequivocal pronouncement of all legitimate African aspirations and in our firm stand against injustice and oppression.

I do not wish to challenge my dismissal but I would like to suggest that in the interest of the institution of Chieftainship in these modem times of de­mocracy, the Government should define more precisely and make more widely known the status, functions and privileges of Chiefs.

My view has been, and still is, that a Chief is primarily a servant of his people. He is the voice of his people. He is the voice of his people in local affairs. Unlike a Native Commissioner, he is part and parcel of the Tribe, and not a local agent of the Government. Within the bounds of loyalty it is conceivable that he may voice and press the claims of his people even if they should be unpalatable to the Government of the day.

He may use all legitimate modern techniques to get these demands satisfied. It is inconceivable how Chiefs could effectively serve the wider and common interest of their own tribe without co-operating with other leaders of the people, both the natural leaders (Chiefs) and leaders elected democratically by the people themselves.

It was to allow for these wider associations intended to promote the common national interests of the people as against purely local interests that the Gov­ernment in making rules governing Chiefs did not debar them from joining political associations so long as these associations had not been declared by the Minister to be subversive of or prejudicial to constituted Government. The African National Congress—its non-violent Passive Resistance Campaign may be of nuisance value to the Government, but it is not subversive since it does not seek to overthrow the form and machinery of the State but only urges for the inclusion of all sections of the community in a partnership in the Government of the country on the basis of equality.

Laws and conditions that tend to debase human personality—a God-given force—be they brought about by the State or other individuals, must be relentlessly opposed in the spirit of defiance shown by St. Peter when he said to the rulers of his day Shall we obey God or man? No one can deny that in so far as non-Whites are concerned in the Union of South Africa, laws and conditions that debase human personality abound. Any Chief worthy of his position must fight fearlessly against such debasing conditions and laws. If the Government should resort to dismissing such Chiefs, it may find itself dismissing many Chiefs or causing people to dismiss from their hearts chiefs who are indifferent to the needs of the people through fear of dismissal by the Government. Surely the Government cannot place Chiefs in such an uncomfortable and invidious position.

As for myself, with a full sense of responsibility and a clear conviction, I decided to remain in the struggle for extending democratic rights and re­sponsibilities to all sections of the South African community. I have embraced the non-violent Passive Resistance technique in fighting for freedom because I am convinced it is the only non-revolutionary, legitimate and humane way that could be used by people denied, as we are, effective constitutional means to further aspirations.

The wisdom or foolishness of this decision I place in the hands of the Almighty.

What the future has in store for me I do not know. It might be ridicule, imprisonment, concentration camp, flogging, banishment and even death. I only pray to the Almighty to strengthen my resolve so that none of these grim possibilities may deter me from striving, for the sake of the good name of our beloved country, the Union of South Africa, to make it a true democracy and a true union in form and spirit of all the communities in the land.

My only painful concern at times is that of the welfare of my family but I try even in this regard, in a spirit of trust and surrender to God's will as I see it, to say: God will provide.

It is inevitable that in working for Freedom some individuals and some families must take the lead and suffer: the Road to Freedom Is Via The CROSS.

MAYIBUYE!

AFRIKA! AFRIKA!

AFRIKA!

Document 96. Circular Letter to All Congress Branches of the Province. Review of 1952 by the Working Committee of the ANC (Cape), December 1952

The year 1952 is about to end. It ends when the A.N.C. in the Cape Province has made tremendous and remarkable strides in the organisation of the African people, in the rural and urban areas and even in the reserves.

In the forty years of the existence of our National Organisation, never was the response greater to the call for a liberatory struggle as has been witnessed since the 26th June 1952, up to date. Congress has been able to lead the hesitant, to rouse the dormant, to open the horizon and to encourage those who had considered themselves too weak to think for themselves. The active struggle against tyranny, exploitation and oppression has disclosed the magnitude of the power of the African people and clarified their minds for the tasks ahead of them.

PERSPECTIVE: REVIEW OF EVENTS 1952. THE FUTURE!

It was in December 1951 that the National Conference of the A .N .C. adopted the plan for the defiance of unjust and racially discriminatory laws. At that time, in spite of the boundless faith that the leaders had in the capacity of the people to unite and struggle for their rights, there was, in certain quarters among the African people themselves, grave misgivings about the future. It was said the people are divided; That they would never support such a method of struggle; That the Africans were inherently prone to resort to violence, others said the sacrifices and suffering that would be demanded were such as would daunt our people early in the campaign. Malicious enemies of the African people, white detractors and believers in the outworn and discredited doctrines of white superiority predicted that the campaign would last a week and fizzle out. It was said that the African leaders did not have the necessary organising ability nor the political skill to launch a campaign of this nature;

How false these hopes have been proved by the African people's readiness to maintain their solidarity against intimidation, victimisation and the violence to which the Nationalist regime has resorted in order to crush their unity and determination.

Let us but mention a few of the achievements of the Campaign during the last six months:—

(I) Congress has been able to unite the yearnings, spirits and aspirations of the African people, rural and urban, educated and un-educated in the one stream of achieving FREEDOM IN OUR LIFETIME under the liberatory slogan AFRIKA!

(II) Congress has created a mighty National organisation with thousands of members and thousands of Volunteers, ready to work and die in the defence of their rights and freedom.

(Ill) Congress has exposed the false and shallow doctrine of white supremacy and proved that the white man rules South Africa, not because he is fit to rule but because presently, he holds the monopoly of offensive military and police power. His rule rests not on superior moral strength, discipline or character, but upon tanks, stenguns, armoured cars and aeroplanes. That is one important lesson which our people have learnt during the campaign, that the cowardice of fascists who are inclined to be sadists is a result of fear, fear that they with their inhuman policies have no future in South Africa against the forces of progress which are emerging from the struggle of the Non-Europeans in the Country. The imperialists are no more the inkosi but his sten-gun, yes the sten-gun, indeed.

(IV) The campaign has thrown the question of the treatment of the African in South Africa into the arena of world politics and it is openly admitted that this question attracted the most attention at U.N.O. this year.

(V) The campaign has also proved that the policy of the A.N.C. is the only sane one that affords hope and a future to all inhabitants of South Africa. In spite of the slanderous, malicious hate campaign against our intentions, in spite of the shootings of innocent Africans, which have led to violence and riots, in some towns, we have not panicked; But, on the contrary, we have consistently, under severe hardships taught our people that we are not fighting a race but, RACIAL LAWS, that we do not hate men but HATE THE EVIL THAT MEN DO.

We have placed before our people the ideal of a democratic South Africa in which all men, irrespective of race, colour, creed or sex, shall live a happy and free life unmarred by fear, prejudice or race hatred; This has appealed to them, thus their unreserved support for the African National Congress. Those preaching race-hatred have become more hysterical as they saw their world tumble around them; They have tried to malign the campaign in order to frighten the Europeans in South Africa to support their evil designs, which can only lead to the total destruction of what they believe to be western civilisation. The A.N.C. is the only organisation with a policy which can lead to harmonious relations between the races in this country and indeed that policy places the A.N.C. in par with progressive and civilised mankind; A policy, unlike that of the protagonists of White supremacy or Basskap does not use the colour or race of men as a measuring rod for men's abilities. That is left to the un­scientific broederbond and its hysterical band of betrayers of civilisation; History will judge them.

(VI) The campaign has enabled the African people to shed their fears of shadows (I-ZITHUNZELA). The African people are today, a force to be reckoned with even by those who rear their children by teaching them to despise us.

(VII) We have got rid of pleading, cowardly and hamba-kahle [go well] leaders who were always ready to compromise after they had been flattered by taking tea with the rulers of the people. These leaders have now been isolated and are siding with their masters to justify oppression and exploitation; GOOD RIDDANCE. These are great achievements. When we consider that for three hundred years we have been carpets to be trampled upon at the will and whim of every European, we must thank God for having travelled with us so rapidly in the path towards the promised land of freedom and a future of fearlessness and hope for mankind.

SEARCH-LIGHT ON THE A.N.C.: A SELF CRITICISM.

The campaign has helped to bring out certain grave weaknesses in our organisation. Like a search-light, it has focussed attention to certain grave defects which we have to overcome if we are to succeed in our task of leading the African people towards that glorious goal FREEDOM AND HAPPINESS.

The first defect in our movement, placed here because it is the most difficult to solve is that of a NEWSPAPER. A NEWSPAPER, in our own languages can give official reports and state in unequivocal terms, the policy of the A.N.C. A movement like ours cannot hope to progress without a press of its own. Too often have we seen news prostituted by prejudiced owners, who fear that the African, free from racial laws constitutes a danger to interests of exploiters. Who, today amongst the African people has any faith in the Bantu World and Umteteli, Umteteli indeed! for the Chamber of Mines? The enemies of our progress are spending tremendous sums of money to found papers for their lackeys; One has just been launched in Port Elizabeth, NEW AFRICA. We suspect that several well known Europeans are behind this paper, which so stupidly advocates a return to the old Cape tradition. In their recent edition, the blind servants of NEW AFRICA, raising virtuous eyes to heaven cry, WE THANK THEE OH LORD THAT WE ARE NOT AS YOUNG AS ... THESE CONGRESS LEADERS. The editor incidentally is ex-Secretary of the CAPE A.N.C. (SAVE US FROM THE TEA DRINKING LEADERS) They are worth three pence a day extra to the City Council of Port Elizabeth. The African National Congress must have a press of its own, in 1953.

The second defect is the absence of full time organisers for the A.N.C. * Our A.N.C. is truly remarkable. It has been able to achieve a lot without a single paid organiser. Many CADRES, produced by the struggle have given up their jobs in order to serve voluntarily in organising and uniting the African people. We must not expect too much from our glorious Volunteers but encourage them by looking after them in recognition of their services to the cause of the people's freedom. Finances must be obtained to create an efficient and satisfied personel to perform organisational and administrative work FULL TIME.

A third defect, made manifest during the course of the campaign is in ADMINISTRATION. Many of our branch secretaries do not know the first

thing about administration of an office. Letters are not acknowledged. Reports, , if any, come slowly. Finances are not recorded properly nor subscriptions des­patched to the right quarters, promptly and regularly. Decisions of grave im­portance are taken by branches and sometimes not reported to H.Q. In some areas, people think they can manage their own affairs until they find themselves in trouble, when, only then, are matters reported to H.Q. This is bad. The A.N.C. is supposed to be a properly constituted movement, its strength lies in its unity of action. It is a disciplined organisation and obtains its inspiration from the solidarity of its supporters. Any action, taken at any time by anybody must be a result of common understanding, consultation and a decision emanating from the popular will of those who have been entrusted with a mandate to make decisions. All branches must take action on the instructions sent by H.Q. in the absence of Conference. Congress needs a school for Secretaries, who must receive proper training for their duties.

The stem trials with which we are faced make it necessary for us to develop responsible, honest, sincere and militant leadership, which only arises from people participating without reservation in an active struggle. Not only do we expect our members to pay subscriptions, but they too, must work actively in building the A.N.C.; Introduce new members, there is no room for shirkers today. The quality of our members must also be improved; Members who will be able to counteract parochial and self seeking enemies of our cause;

Members must be able to perceive and expose any malicious distortions of the principles and policies which we have adopted. The many undesirable and morbid features in the administration of the affairs of the A.N.C. must be overcome, NOW.

The pernicious consequences of complacency must be completely uprooted and eradicated. Congress cannot afford any more vainglorious displays or allow occasion for self-laudation. All our weaknesses, from the top-most officials downwards must be subject to constructive and objective criticism so that our faults of yesterday may not be allowed to endanger our progress tomorrow. All of us, connected with the A.N.C., however remotely, must set an example of service; We must show an objective conscientiousness in all matters affecting the African people.

In conclusion, we must look ahead at the future in our struggle for freedom. You have seen what can be achieved in a few months of active struggle, a bold leadership and confidence in the people. Today, meetings are banned by proclamation, many Sons of Africa are banned from attending any gatherings anywhere in South Africa; Twenty Leaders have received sentences of Nine months with compulsory labour; Twenty three others are awaiting trial in the Cape. Seven leaders have been arrested on allegations that they attended gather­ings. These are indeed days of stem trials. The Government, not satisfied to gag leaders is threatening to send them to Concentration camps, they intend to ban Congress; Today we learn, without surprise that it is illegal to say FREEDOM IN OUR LIFE TIME. WE HAVE A DUTY TO THE AFRI­CAN PEOPLE, WE MUST BE VIGILANT AND EXPOSE ALL THESE PLOTS AGAINST THE AFRICAN PEOPLE, QUICKLY AND EF­FECTIVELY. WE HAVE RID OURSELVES OF CORRUPT LEADERS, LET US BE FEARLESS AND IMPLICIT IN OUR FAITH OF THE OUT­COME OF OUR PRESENT STRUGGLES: THE PEOPLE, YES THE PEOPLE, ARE WITH US, OF THAT WE ARE CONVINCED.

INSTRUCTIONS

(I) Branches are hereby instructed to order from Headquarters the STEWARD OR LEADER CARDS. These are obtainable at fifty (50) for ten shillings (10/-). These cards are intended for branch administration and organisation and will be of great usefulness under the present restrictions imposed by Verwoerd's proclamation, to prevent the gathering of more than ten Africans. Branches shall receive instructional directions on the use of these cards upon application to the Secretariat.

(II) Branches must hold regular fund raising functions for the protracted struggle ahead of us. Already thousands of pounds have been spent on the maintenance of the dependants of our gallant Volunteers and the defence of many members, arrested under the malicious suppression of Communism Act but many more thousands will be needed in the new year. Do not be caught napping; PREPARE.

(Ill) Branches are requested to submit suggestions for the date and venue of the next Provincial Conference. This is very important as we shall have to make decisions affecting our future activities.

(IV) All branches must double their membership for 1953; Subscriptions must be sent promptly. It is not satisfactory to have twenty members in an area of ten thousand people; With a population of ten thousand, your records must show a membership of ten thousand too. The increase in membership depends naturally, upon the activity of your branch and your ability to organise is assessed by the number of people in your books. Make a resolution to take more interest in the A.N.C. in the new year. Become an asset to the organisation, not a liability. We must now make up our minds not to RETURN TO POLITI­CAL STAGNATION.

The President and Executive Committee of the Cape A.N.C. extend their warmest Xmas Greetings and best New Year Wishes for the determined struggle for freedom in our lifetime.

AFRIKA

Mokxotho Matji (Secretary (Cape) A.N.C. )

Source:

Extract from Karis, T & Carter G. M. - Karis, T & Carter G. M. (1973). From Protest to Challenge A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1964, Volume 2: Hope and Challenge, 1935-1952. Stanford University: Hoover Institute Press.