Say It out Loud - The 1906 Presidential Address, Cape Town, 2nd January, 1906

From the book: Say It out Loud by Mohamed Adhikari

The 1906 Presidential Address, Cape Town, 2nd January, 1906 ¹

Dr Abdurahman rose to deliver his Presidential Address at 11.20 a.m., which occupied an hour and thirty minutes, and was listened to with great interest by the delegates and the general public. The President extended a cordial welcome to the delegates on behalf of the local branch of the organisation, who, he said, appreciated the trouble the delegates had taken in coming to Cape Town. Their presence at the Conference might be taken as a sign that there were many questions in the country on which they wished to express their opinion. And no doubt there were many such questions at the present which meant political life or death to the Coloured people. The whole problem had now become such that it was the bounden duty of all well-wishers of the country, whether white or Coloured, calmly to consider the questions. For on the solution of these questions it would depend whether in future they would have a happy country, where white and Coloured were living in peace and toleration. Now, he would ask them whether they were satisfied with the prevailing conditions, did these inspire them with hope for the future? (Cries of " No! no! " ) An emphatic " No! " must be given. And they had expressed that to him more than once during the time he had been their president. No doubt, some white people were aware of the fact that there was a growing feeling of discontent, but it had not been realised to what extent, and that the sooner it was recognised the better it would be. (Hear, hear.) While no attempt had been made to investigate into the causes, irresponsible men had not hesitated to give their perverted ideas, and approached the question with biased minds to settle it in favour of Europeans. In high places all sorts of expedients had been resorted to without settling the question. But even criticisms of such a nature had their value; showing as they did that there was a problem to be solved. Now, if they agreed that the problem had reached such a stage, that it should be solved, it was the bounden duty of everyone to think calmly. And Europeans, if they found that the policy hitherto followed towards the Coloured people had been founded in the dark days of ignorance, should do their duty without fear, for it had been done better sooner than later. Perhaps ignorant people would call them, as Coloured people, in approaching the questions, disloyal, etc., but if it was their duty they would not heed it. (Loud cheers.) The speaker then drew attention to the status of the Coloured man in the British Empire, which had a population of 400 millions, 84 per cent of whom were governed in a more or less despotically manner. For although they associated with the Empire an Act ² that must ever redound to the glory of Great Britain, and for which they would always be grateful, all the rights and liberties given to Europeans were denied them. And even now, in the name of the Empire, a form of labour, differing not much from slavery, had been introduced into South Africa. A small but unfortunately powerful section of the men in the North had returned to the days of slavery. In mentioning the Empire, they felt proud and grateful, but they could not help feeling and express the feeling what a wretched home this, there home, of South Africa was.

They felt proud to be under the British flag, because they felt that under that flag they would attain a much higher standard of intellectual life. Continuing, Dr Abdurahman sketched what position Europeans had allocated to the Coloured people, and why. They had to judge by actions, and the actions of a small section sprung from a spirit to rule and govern which again was the result of race pride and greed for gold. This was carried on under the cloak of Empire and with the flag in hand. But never in its whole history had that flag covered such deeds; never before had it been in the hands of such exploiters ­ men devoid of every vestige of principle (cheers) ­ men whose object was gold and whose god was Mammon. If they wished to see to what excess despotism and power to rule led, when inhumanity and ungodliness were walking hand in hand through the country, they should go to the Orange River Colony and Transvaal. And never before had it been carried on to such an excess as at present. Assuming that the whites were superior, was it a moral, physical or intellectual superiority? He was not an impartial judge to award to the Coloured people the first prize as to moral superiority. As far as intellectual superiority was concerned, Europeans had reached a very high stage in civilisation, and the Coloured people had still to travel a long distance. (Hear.) But to form a true estimate the Coloured people should be compared with those who occupied a similar status of life in European countries. And then it would be found that the Coloured were in no respect inferior. Given proper facilities, the Coloured might also reach a high standard. Europeans should not forget that they were once as far removed from Roman civilisation as the ordinary Coloured man now from the while civilisation. If the same restrictions had been put on the forefathers of the present white generation, as on the Coloured people now, would Europeans ever have attained their present proud position?

It had been said by a mining magnate that if equal rights were given to the Coloured, Boer and Briton would stand shoulder to shoulder in a bloody war, but they would never cease to pray that such a calamity would never happen as a war between white and Coloured. Let fair play and justice be done, and if it should be proved that the whites were superior, he trusted the superiors would be so grateful to the Almighty as to use their superiority to the best of the country, and that such facilities would be given to the inferiors as to become the possible best. Returning to the question of the race pride, which Dr. Abdurahman said was the crime of a few, who confused it with patriotism, the speaker referred to the late war, when, he said, race pride had been played upon, and thousands of valiant sons of England had been sent to their graves and millions of money spent. And now they found that this had been done for the most unscrupulous exploiters of men and countries. This greed of gold was the causes that people were compelled to work at the smallest possible wage. For years before the war, the mining magnates had not been satisfied with the labour on the Rand; a Commission had been appointed to inquire into the labour supply. Several magnates asked the late Transvaal Government to give them forced labour; some of them ­ like Sir Percy Fitzpatrick ­ thinking that they would be able to force people into work at one penny an hour. But when this recommendation of forced labour was rejected, assistance was asked of Great Britain. Race pride was played upon. Private wrongs were magnified into public grievances. Many in Great Britain were made to believe honestly that the British in the Transvaal were slaves. And after the South African Republic had been blotted out, the Imperial wanderer ³ came and saw his handiwork. He talked to the people about the dignity of labour at two pence an hour, and handed over the country to those who showed their gratitude by promising thirty millions, which they never paid. And these gave the work which belonged to the Coloured people of South Africa to the Chinamen. But now the importation of these was going to be stopped, the mining magnates were heard to threaten that they would not tolerate this or that, and would cut the painter. The magnates had attained their end, and what did they care for the flag now? It seemed to him as if the policy pursued in the North had allocated to them the position of hewers of wood and drawers of water. Whether that policy was for the best of the country was a question which concerned everyone. Personally, he would say it would bar the Coloured people for a time, but persisted in too long, it must lead to ruin. To the European mind, it must be shocking to know that such things were done in the name of the British Empire. They gratefully acknowledged that they in this part of South Africa were not so badly off. Their grievances could be rectified under their constitution. But this wave of ill-feeling was spreading from the North, and the phrase of equal rights for all civilised men was lost sight of. Even in our own legislation, the bogey of the black peril had crept in; When the Education Bill was before Parliament, it was said that European children should be compelled to go to school, because the Coloured children going to school were getting too numerous.

The black bogey did its work. Even under the present Act, Coloured people were not fairly treated, and they had to pay taxes and rates for schools from which their children were excluded. Referring to other evils, the Chairman said they could be rectified under their own Constitution, and he expressed the hope that Europeans in this country who wished to treat them with fair play would do their best to check the evils before it was too late. But for relentless despotism, they must go to the North. They had hoped after the war to get the reward from those with whom they fought the battles. Those who fought on the British side (Voices: "Sorry we did" ) ­ had reason to think they would be treated fairly. And now they were told they were not worse off than before the war. But what had they benefitted by the change of flag if they were not treated better than before? It had been said they did not suffer any physical ill treatment. Hon. A. Lyttelton had said so. But man did not suffer in body; he suffered in his mind, and the restrictions caused more lasting pains than any bodily inflictions. They were denied the right even as municipal voters.

They had to thank Lord Milner for it that they were treated like the barbarous native; and yet this was the man who always prated about civilisation and not colour being the dividing line. Was it right that the rights of the Coloured people should be handed over to such unscrupulous men? Continuing, he referred to several restrictions in the Orange River Colony, where one could see what despotism was and what the brute part of man could do. Twenty-four hours after arrival there one had to report oneself, register, and take out a certificate, live in a location, hunt for work, hold no meetings, have no public school without permission. (Cries: "Worse than Russia!"). They had to take out certificates for wife and children, and females over sixteen years of age were forced into the service of somebody else. These things were one of the blackest spots on a black page of history. He was at a loss to know how such immoral laws were allowed. But the brute had no heart or soul, knew no humanity, although he went to church on a Sunday with a Bible in his hand. And, therefore, all sorts of wicked enactments were urged. As for instance, that a Justice of the Peace of the country should adjudicate between masters and servants. They knew what that would lead to. As the people who were responsible for this sort of thing had always blamed the Transvaal for not giving them a free hand in the treatment of the natives, one could see what could be expected from them, and that the future of the country could not be entrusted to them. In conclusion, Dr. Abdurahman advised the white people to keep the race pride in the background. In the long run all barriers and obstacles must be taken away. If the white people loved their country and wished to see the country and the human race advanced, although it should necessitate their present rotten economical system being struck to pieces, let them do justice. If justice was not done and the acting according to fundamental truth discontinued, the Nemesis was sure to follow. And already there were signs of re-barbarisation. He advised the Coloured people to be honest, truthful, and, above all, patient, because their cause was a good and true one. He advised them not to spend their lives in matters concerning themselves only, but in matters to the interest of others. They should unite and be firm, and, above all, educate their children, and in the end justice would be done to them. (Loud and prolonged cheers.)