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From: South Africa's Radical Tradition, a documentary history, Volume One 1907 - 1950, by Allison Drew
Document 34 - Letter from the Executive Bureau, Communist Party of South Africa, to the Executive Committee, Comintern
To the E.C.C.I.
Dear Comrades,
We have received the following cable dated Berlin 22 October. Our reply by cable was sent on 25 October 1929 as follows. "Petition (is a) form of mass protest; involves local organisations; no danger (of) fusion (or) reformist leadership. Suggestions December noted."
We enclose copies of the constitution, petition form and circular letter of the League of African Rights. In taking the initiative in the formation of the League, we have been acting on the decision of the Sixth Congress (and also the suggestion of ComradePaul2 when he was here in June) to try to unite "existing embryonic national organisations among the natives; such as the African National Congress". "The Party, while retaining its full independence, should participate in these organisations, should seek to broadet and extend their activity." [See "The South African Question in the "Communist International" - English Edition, 15 December, 1928.]
As you will see from the circular letter, we do not aim at making the League a mere organisation of leaders, but desire to develop it on the basis of affiliation of local organisations, formation of local groups, etc. There is no danger of the Party fusing with reformist organisations or losing its identity or its leadership of the mass struggle.
So far the bulk of the native leaders have held aloof from the League. Kadalie is opposing it, ostensibly on the ground that his organisation has already put forward demands similar to those of the League, but really because he fears the League will still further undermine his own declining influence. Gumede has joined the League in his individual capacity. His organisation as such has held aloof though in some districts members of the African National Congress and of both ICU' s are assisting the League Modiagotla of the Ballinger I.C.U. has joined, but other leaders of this organisations including Ballinger are opposed to joining3.The participation of native leaders and the affiliation of national organisations has been sought and would be welcome if it were forthcoming; but primarily we are appealing to the native masses over the heads of their leaders to unite in opposition to the Hertzog bills.4 It must be remembered that exsting native organisations are weak and have a very small membership, the main mass of natives throughout the country being completely unattached politically. To sweep into political activity the vast mass of unorganised natives is the main task of the League.
In an attempt to give some substance to the work of the league other than mere haphazard propaganda meetings, and in order to get many hundred of thousands of natives to participate personally in the struggle for national freedom, we have started a "Petition of African Rights." Like the "Great Charter" of the XIX Century in England5, the petition embodies certain elementary, popular demands of the democratic revolution. Together with the slogan "Mayibuye!" ("Return to us our country!") it forms a programme of immediate demands on which we hope to unite the whole of the African people. This petition (for which we hope to obtain hundred of thousands of signatures) cannot be described as a mere reformist gesture. In fact the reformists have already taken fright at the petition and are boycotting it accordingly. They desire that a few "good-boy" natives leaders should request the Government to modify its native policy.
The mass character of the petition, penetrating as we hope it will to every corner of the country and expressing the aspirations of millions of Africans, is such as the missionaries and other bourgeois reformists cannot countenance though they cannot openly oppose its demands without discrediting themselves in the eyes of the masses.
The petition is couched in the form of a demand. Like an election campaign or referendum (c.f. recent campaigns initiated by the German C.P. against the return of the Kaiser's property and the building of cruisers) it can be used to spread revolutionary propaganda among the broad masses who would not be reached otherwise. The collection of signatures goes hand in hand with the holding of meetings, mass demonstrations and the campaign for a nation-wide protest and street processions on Dingaan's Day. We hope also to make the presentation of the petition to Parliament an occasion for mass demonstrations in Capetown accompanied by a demand for the bearers of the petition to be heard at the bar of the house.
We are already meeting with evidence that the signing of the petition is not a "safe" reformist gesture but an act demanding a certain amount of courage and will on the part of those who sign. During Comrade Bunting's recent election campaign in Tembuland there were many sympathetic natives who failed to vote from fear. "If we vote Communist we shall be killed," they said. Similarly some are afraid to sign the petition lest they be subsequently punished by the Government for this act of defiance. We have had great difficulty in persuading them that the Government is unlikely to prosecute individual signatories.
In view of these facts we cannot agree that the petition should be dropped as reformist in character. We hope that our reasons will convince you of this.
Another and more permanent use for the League is as an auxiliary organisation to spread the influence of the Communist Party among the native peasantry and toilers in the small towns and country districts. We are not anxious to enrol directly in the Communist Party those politically immature elements, who nevertheless display at times considerable enthusiasm for the national cause and are anxious to join an organisation. It has already been agreed, in discussions with the C.I. and in conversations between ourselves and Comrade Paul and between Comrade Roux and the Colonial Department of the British C.P., that suitable national organisations, peasant organisations, etc., should be set up to cater for these elements. It is of course understood that these organisations should come under the general political leadership of the Communists Party while retaimng their organisational independence and mass character League is such an organisation. It is also a step towards the unification on federal lines of all existing national organisations and leaders still capable of waging a fight against imperialism. Conditions are very complicated and difficult here and the C.P.S.A. must be allowed to experiment in finding out the best methods of awakening, organising and uniting the different sections of the African people.
We are also concerned with a prohable approaching period of illegality. The Minister of Justice and the Minister of Native Affairs have announced their intention of revising the Native Administration Act of 1927 which was intended to stop revolutionary propaganda among natives, but which proved unsatisfactory for that purpose. (You probably know how convictions of Communists under the "hostility clause" have recently been squashed by the Supreme Court.) Now that the Government has learnt by its mistakes of the past, and particularly now that it has a complete majority and is assured of the co-operation of the S.A.P. opposition (see recent speech of Smuts advocating that the Native Administration Act should be "tightened up") we may expect drastic legislation against native agitators and particulariy against the Communist Party. Pirow Minister of Justice, has stated that he intends to introduce legislation enabling the government to deport those who agitate among natives, "particularly Europeans not born in this country."
The organisation of the League of African Rights is thus in one sense a preparation for approaching illegality of the C.P. It is less likely to be proscribed than the C.P. itself, but this is not so important as the fact that as a result of the formation of the League we are broadening our influence and making contacts among natives all over the country thus improving our chances of resistance should the Government attempt to drive us underground.
We agree with your suggestions regarding slogans for the Party and the demanding of payment for Dingaan's Day .7 As for a stoppage on Saturday 14 December we do not think we are strong enough to bring this off. The Federation itself is very weak largely as a result of internal divisions over a long period, and the big industries, even in Johannesburg are unorganised. However, in co-operation the Federation we shall act if sufficient support is forthcoming.
We shall report more fully later on the progress of the campaign and the results of the Dingaan's Day demonstrations.
Yours fraternally,
E.B.C.P.S.A.Secretary