Address to the Annual Conference of the Natal, 23 November 1951

Luthuli was elected President of the ANC (Natal branch) in 1951 and this speech was delivered at the Bantu Social Centre in Durban in November of that year. It is one of his early ,political speeches and was delivered in Zulu. This translation,in a slightly edited form here, is from the Carter-Karis

Collection (item 2:XC9:81/6).This speech gives an insight into the socio-political concerns of Africans in Natal at the beginning of the rule of the National Parly under D.F. Malan. In it Lutuli calls for unity among the African people and pleads for co-operation among all people in South Africa, black and while. He attempts to motivate Africans to do something about their lot. He re-defines the challenges facing black South Africans in the face of the new legislation that the h4alan government was in the process of introducing.

Events worth noting in South Africa

Although our greatest concerns are our domestic needs, the culling of our stock, the influx laws that prevent us from taking employment in towns, the expulsion of Africans from the farms and many similar things, as a leading national organization, we should be the scouts of the nation and point out the trends affecting us in the whole country.

South African current events

I start with domestic events. I will touch on the main points only:

In the last session of parliament some laws that directly affects have been passed, namely the Bantu Authorities Act, and the Bantu Builders Act. Time and space do not permit me to explain the implications of these acts although we discussed them in August. I strongly urge the leaders of the ANC and some invited experts to write a pamphlet explaining the truth about these laws and about others affecting the Africans. This pamphlet could contain the speech on Apartheid that the Chairman made in August 1951. It should also reveal our lack of enthusiasm for the culling of stock and the building of African towns in the reserves.

Many political parties among the Europeans are now amalgamated. Most of them urge the passing of laws for continuing the policy of separating the races and of oppressing the black man: they propose the expansion of jails on farms and an iron hand in dealing with criminals, particularly the African ones. I ask that the publicity and political committees of the executive place on the agenda of these meetings many of the topics that would affect us.

The Afrikaners are uniting but the Africans are fighting shy of unity. The groups supporting Dr Malan and Mr Havenga have amalgamated to form one powerful nationalist party. It would take a tremendous effort for the United Party to oust Dr Malan from governing the country ...

The population census

The census conducted in 1946 among all the races has revealed the total population numbers of the whole country and the individual total for each race. Broadly, the figures are the following:

Europeans 2 % million
Coloured races 1 % million
Africans 8 % million

Total 12 .2 million

We greatly outnumber the other groups because this country is our home, we are not settlers. Yet our population growth rate is small compared with the other races despite the fact that many of us have more than one wife and many of our young women have illegitimate children. The truth is that, because of the hardships in our living conditions and ignorance of hygiene and health in the urban areas, our mortality rate is very high compared with that of the other races, particularly where infant mortality is concerned.

The government and the municipalities are determined to implement the law for separating the races in the towns. Even where this has begun we have not heard anything about the areas that have been set aside exclusively for the Africans and where they will be given the opportunity to buy land.

Instead we hear only that areas such as Cato Manor and Chesterville will be declared black spots in white areas. The Africans are only sojoumers in such areas. But after the Africans asked them to do so, the Indians agreed to Cato Manor's being an area where the Africans could buy land. In Johannesburg we hear about the removal of Sophiatown and the Western Native Township but it is not said where the Africans will be taken and how they will be compensated for losing their houses and land. Yet there are thousands of Africans in Johannesburg and Durban who are houseless ...

Deadly laws are barring entry to the cities while the pressure of hunger is very great because food prices are rising. The Africans' wages remain low, yet we no longer have fields in the reserves and on the European farms. The fields are being decreased as a result of the overcrowding of the Africans in the reserves.

The population census

The census conducted in 1946 among all the races has revealed the total population numbers of the whole country and the individual total for each race. Broadly, the figures are the following:

Europeans 2 % million
Coloured races
Africans 8 % million

Total 12 72 million

We greatly outnumber the other groups because this country is our home, we are not settlers. Yet our population growth rate is small compared with the other races despite the fact that many of us have more than one wife and many of our young women have illegitimate children. The truth is that, because of the hardships in our living conditions and ignorance of hygiene and health in the urban areas, our mortality rate is very high compared with that of the other races, particularly where infant mortality is concerned.

The government and the municipalities are determined to implement the law for separating the races in the towns. Even where this has begun we have not heard anything about the areas that have been set aside exclusively for the Africans and where they will be given the opportunity to buy land.

Instead we hear only that areas such as Cato Manor and Chesterville will be declared black spots in white areas. The Africans are only sojoumers in such areas. But after the Africans asked them to do so, the Indians agreed to Cato Manor's being an area where the Africans could buy land. In Johannesburg we hear about the removal of Sophiatown and the Western Native Township but it is not said where the Africans will be taken and how they will be compensated for losing their houses and land. Yet there are thousands of Africans in Johannesburg and Durban who are houseless ...

Deadly laws are barring entry to the cities while the pressure of hunger is very great because food prices are rising. The Africans' wages remain low, yet we no longer have fields in the reserves and on the European farms. The fields are being decreased as a result of the overcrowding of the Africans in the reserves.

Notwithstanding this overcrowding, the whites are still greedy for land in the traditional areas of the Africans, such as the strips of Tongoland. Despite all these acts that oppress us we are grateful for those whites, who in various ways, help us to fight our battle for freedom and progress. We would even thank the government for any good that it might do. I may comment on the government's continuing to grant funds for higher education and for pensions to the aged and the disabled, though the sums are meagre; the support for the establishing of the Medical School for non-whites in Natal, although there is much to be desired in the provision of this school ...

We have inadequate land to live on

The reserves are seriously overcrowded although the government- may beat about the bush by saying firstly, that we are not making the best use of these areas by exploiting them to the fullest. We do not deny that many of us are ignorant of our traditional life style, to which the government says we should revert. The government claims, secondly, that there is too much stock. This we deny. Thirdly, the majority of the black people in the reserves are living on the wages obtained by working in the cities. Therefore even in the reserves we lead urban lives; we say that these wages are too low to maintain the standard of living current in civilized times.

The truth is that we have no "living space" ... The reserves were small from the very onset, and overcrowding increased when we were prevented from buying land in 1913.

Despite the promise of the government in 1936 to augment by 7% million morgen the land of the Africans, this would still be inadequate since we Africans number 8 million and this would only give us about 13% of the land available in the country. This means if South Africa were divided into ten equal parts, we would have only 1% of these divisions. The Europeans number only 2%million and they would have eight such divisions. Even this augmentation of the land of the Africans would take a very longtime. The figures that indicate this are given below. From 1936 to December 1950 the position was the following:

We were promised 71/* million morgens. But in the past 14 yearsthe land bought is only slightly over half the promised figure.On the farms the culling of stock is increasing and the land given to Africans for ploughing is diminishing, yet Africans earn no wages on most farms. Where wages are paid they are meagre. The expulsion of Africans from the farms is increasing but the government states that such people should not be admitted to the reserves because they are already overcrowded. Certainly they are overcrowded. The government maintains that the expelled Africans should not go to the towns to seek work because the towns are overpopulated. The government refuses to accept these people in the homeland areas.

It holds that the land was bought for the Africans where an African is given approximately two acres including the area occupied by the family house. Where should the poor people go then? It is stated that they should wander about seeking to enter the service of other Europeans on the farms. Perhaps it is obvious that such Europeans experience a labour shortage because of their bad treatment of the Africans. We thank the Native Commissioner of Newcastle, Mr Lawrence, for explaining clearly to the people of his area what ought to be done by people expelled from the farms.

It is desirable that the African National Congress call a general meeting to be held in the uplands of Natal to discuss the livelihood of the Africans on the farms. The leaders of the branches in these areas should first provide the facts required for the compilation of a pamphlet containing certain questions by the Executive of the African National Congress or a subcommittee appointed for that purpose. That meeting should draw up and send a petition to the government and the farmers' associations, containing a labour charter for tenants on the farms.

The weapons for obtaining tne freedom of the Africans

The main aim is that we the aborigines of this land should have a say and standing in the national forum in parliament because this is the key to satisfying our daily needs for subsistence, to obtaining better wages, the augmentation of African land, and social services. There are many requirements to be met in order to achieve this main aim.

We would be required as a nation to take a stand. We should show whether we look ahead to modern civilization or look back to our traditional way of life. It is true that our chiefs, Tshaka and Dingaan, chose Western civilization by sending Sotobe to pay homage to the rulers of the whites. Other members of our nation have also done so by choosing Christianity and a European education, which both belong to the whites.

But there is some confusion in the minds of our people, particularly today. This confusion is increased by the statements of some Europeans and the government that the Africans should develop according to their traditional ways and that the laws of the land should support and respect their traditional customs and conventions. According to the government's programme life issurging forwards, not returning to the old days and in many instances, progress is an irresistible tide.

Where attempts are made to order life or to put blinkers on people's eyes, the regression and eventual destruction of thatnation is engendered. Spiritual and political leaders should not show favouritism to us and flatter us. They should lead us through the real dangers of civilization.

We should make the creed of the African the determination to extricate ourselves from bondage and to advance to freedom by following this path, namely the education that goes hand in hand with this determination; as does decency of character, leading industrious lives in purposeful employment and living by saving wealth and time .. We, the Executive of the African National Congress, through the authority of this conference, aim at broadening our base by extending the roots of helping and advising the nation on ways of helping itself as follows:

Helping people who want licenses and are refused

Encouraging the plans for "helping ourselves", such as creating a fund for financing businesses that have the potential for profit in future. To fulfil this aim we intend establishing a committee of certain members of the Executive who would be supported by other gentlemen from outside chosen for their expertise. This committee might be called the "Committee for advising the provincial Executive of the African Congress (Natal) in matters affecting the establishment and procurement of means of making a livelihood".

We desire to inspire the Africans with a feeling of self-confidence. The aim of many whites and that of the government since they started ruling us, is to create the impression that we Africans are useless, and also to make us believe this. Moreover, they want to make us believe that the white man is superior in everything. Let us tell our people, particularly the children and the youth, about the good and important acts of the African people.While on this topic, I must express our dissatisfaction with and anger for the Minister of Education, Mr J.H. Viljoen, who in his speech in Durban this year, said that the time taken by the non-whites to train as doctors has been lengthened by one year compared with the period normally taken by Europeans. He said that this was because the minds of the non-whites are not as sharp as those of the whites. This is proof of the fact that we are always looked upon and derided as useless beings. Anything bad we do is written in bold letters in the press and the good is seldom disclosed. If it is disclosed it is written in small letters in an obscure column of the newspaper.

It may at times be necessary that we make known the complaints and needs of the African people either by proclaiming them or by boycotting the ways of the whites. But in order that our views or our deeds be dignified, these should be the views or deeds of the majority of the nation. That is why it is desirable that all Africans, male and femaleshould be members of the African National Congress. The current slogan says: 'Speak from your strength/ For the present we members of the Executive regard as a priority the task of increasing the number of branches of the African National Congress in Natal.

In this great and hazardous struggle for liberty and theattainment of our rights, it is essential to co-operate with allpeople, even those from other camps, and with those ofnationalities who are favourably disposed towards some or allof our aims. To this end we could work together with European political organizations on certain matters that we feel could be helpful to others if these organizations are willing to co-operate. But in co-operating with other organizations and other races we should be careful of the following:

The decision on what would be done by the African should be made by our leaders only and not be decided by other races... each organization is self-contained and can continue as it thinks fit.

An alliance that lowers the dignity of the African nation should be rejected.

There should be co-operation on a particular matter for a short time only.

The Executive should notify the members at the meeting of the area and persons or organizations with which it is working on a certain occasion.

While we are mentioning this point we wish to hear from the Conference why we should not co-operate with the Indians where it is desirable if we are still following the aims stated above? Certainly we should criticize and oppose the Indians for the harm they have done us. But we do not feel that this should prevent us from co-operating with them if this would be of help to us at the time or in future. We should be careful not to say we are fighting the discrimination against us by the Europeans, while we are also discriminating against others. We should not do things in a way that gives the whites in this country an opportunity to say to other nations overseas or in UNO that: 'There are the barbarians, the Africans, to whom you say we should grant rights that lead to freedom".

There is also a danger that we may concentrate on people who have offended us in a few ways no matter how big and forget the Europeans who had offended us in a big way and in many things...

What we attempted to do and the hardship we encountered

We tried to revive the congress by attempting to rejuvenate and establish branches. But the lack of funds and the limited time this year made it impossible for us to visit many areas to preach about the congress. On 5 and 6 August 1951, we held a general meeting under the auspices of the African National Congress. One of our aims at this meeting was to revive the spirit of congress.

The difficulty is that the country's people, even those who are educated, appear indifferent about congress. Many are just sitting on the fence and there is no national organization of which they are members, not even those concerned with their livelihood such as fanners' associations, trade unions, business associations, etc. They do not know where they stand.

In many places there is a lack of local leaders. Yet without such leaders the work of the congress will never get off the ground ... While on this topic I must say this. We do not know what the position is of the national fund that was created by the congress. We wish to ask this meeting to put the succeeding executive into the picture on this matter.

I should end this topic by inviting the chiefs and headmen to support with all their spirit and all their ability, and their wealth, the good efforts of the nation, particularly the great experiment of the congress. The task of leading and assisting the people of the nation is the task of the headmen... So, why shouldn't they assist this organization which fights for the welfare of the black man? Headmen, we are coming to your kraals to pay homage on behalfof the congress. Where we cannot come personally we shall send a letter.

The policy of the African National Congress of the Province of Natal

The provincial congress should represent the people in the province and deal with their complaints and needs. This is foremost.

As a branch of the African National Congress the provincial congress should inform the people of the province, particularly its members, about the resolutions and suggestions of the African National Congress, and should also further those resolutions and aims ... We invite the branches to send delegates to the Annual National Conference of the African National Congress at Bloemfontein on 16 December, 1951. The branches should send one delegate for every 20 members of a branch ...

Our confusion

We were confused about many points when an explanation was made of the policy of the government for separating the races. Let me indicate in particular: Dr Eiselen, the chief Secretary for Native Affairs addressing a certain advisory board in the reef towns said that, in order for the African people to make progress they required contact with the white people. The question arises: when the Africans are zoned in the reserves where will they have the opportunity of developing by copying from others, particularly from those who are conversant with modem developments?

While Dr Eiselen was speaking, Mr Kruger, one of the Chiefs of the Nationalists, who wrote the book entitled The Bantustan said that there should be total apartheid. However, he begrudges us our living area because his Bantustan takes up one quarter of the whole of South Africa to accommodate the 8 million Africans.

It is said that we should develop along our own lines in the reserves and be governed by laws according to our tribal traditions. How will we gain the opportunity of establishing our own industries in the reserves if the reserves are surrounded by white border industries? Also we do not think this will be feasible because, although industries would be brought closer to us, would we be given the opportunity of learning all the intricacies of working in industries like these without being prevented by jobreservation laws? We are concerned about what we hear from King William's Town where apparently the Africans eventually boycotted work on realizing that they were used as tools without being given opportunities to progress.

There is another difficulty in maiding the dream of developing along our own lines come true. The Africans are divided into approximately three even groups: those in the reserves, those on the farms and those in the towns. The urban and the rural Africans would continue changing by their contact with the ways of the white men because they live among them. This would be fine if black households grew along two fronts according to lifestyle: life in the reserves would be the repository of our old usages and customs and simultaneously life in the reserves and in the towns would be oriented towards the European lifestyle. We do not feel that this would benefit the nation. When we accept apartheid and its aim most of us appear to think of the reserves as though Africans are all in the reserves.

It is stated that we are lazy people but we saw in the Natal Witness of 26 October, 1951, the Native Commissioner of Mtunzini stated that some Africans in that reserve own about 600 acres and claimed that if they owned only about 20 or 30 acres each that would be too much. Ten acres would be enough for the African to cultivate sugar cane because he could produce 20 tons per acre. We are inviting our fellow men to consider seriously the policy of apartheid. We should not consent to it immediately or perhaps reject it outright. But at the moment the evils of apartheid seem to outweigh its possible benefits. It would be a good thing if the congress were to convene a meeting of the leaders of the various national organizations so that we could discuss this matter thoroughly and we should not be in a hurry to accept it. Those who favour apartheid gave their reasons and those who oppose it also gave their reasons.

In this country that God gave us we should not place our future completely in the hands of other people even though they might be our rulers at present. They frighten us because one should put one's own interests first and certainly no one would work for another without recompense.

God save Africa!